miércoles, 11 de diciembre de 2013

Capitalism redefined

Aca

"This is why prosperity in human societies can’t be properly understood by just looking at monetary measures of income or wealth. Prosperity in a society is the accumulation of solutions to human problems."

"If the true measure of the prosperity of a society is the availability of solutions to human problems, then growth cannot simply be measured by changes in GDP. Rather, growth must be a measure of the rate at which new solutions to human problems become available."

domingo, 17 de noviembre de 2013

Sobre la posibilidad de que haya un 'estancamiento secular'

Paul Krugman comenta el discurso de Larry Summers. Yves Smith le comenta a Krugman. Y Tyler Cowen

Ryan Avent también. Brad DeLong le comenta a Avent

Y Miles Kimball.

Y FT Alphaville.

Y Gavyn Davies.

Y Brad DeLong

Una crítica a todos los argumentos 'mainstream'

------------------

Lo que Krugman había dicho antes: Bubbles, regulation and secular stagnation

------------------

Olivier Blanchard: Monetary policy will never be the same again

Paul Krugman: Monetary and fiscal implications of secular stagnation

Martin Wolf: Why the future looks sluggish

Antonio Fatás: Saving glut or investment dearth?

Randall Wray

Is modern finance the source of secular stagnation?

JW Mason: Secular stagnation, progress in economics

Simon Wren-Lewis

Resumen del debate en Bruegel

De Pieria: 'Secular stagnation and post-scarcity' y 'The desert of plenty'

Columna de Brad DeLong: The long short run

Brad DeLong sobre James Pethokoukis

Brad DeLong: Is growth getting harder? If so, why, and what can we do about it? Tyler Cowen opina

Paul Krugman le echa números al debate

JW Mason: 'The interest rate and the interest rate' y 'The interest rate, the interest rate, and secular stagnation'

Ryan Avent duda de que de verdad estemos en estancamiento secular, excepto, si acaso, Alemania

Secular stagnation: Back to Alvin Hansen

Columna de Larry Summers. Brad DeLong comenta. Buttonwood opina tambien

The Economist: Why is stagnation bubbly?

The future of the european periphery in the mirror of the Asian-Pacific Rim 1997-98

Brad DeLong comenta paper de Carmen Reinhart y Takeshi Tashiro

"Our old belief that you have a trend, and you calculate the trend; that you have a cycle, and you argue over whether the cycle is falls below the trend or fluctuations around it; but that you can carry this discussion along two separate and largely-disconnected tracks--that belief looks to be simply wrong."

What will the 'new normal' for America be?

Excelente análisis de Brad DeLong

domingo, 27 de octubre de 2013

viernes, 25 de octubre de 2013

The best cure for "easy money" is easier monetary policy

Nick Rowe

"First off, there's a massive implicit fallacy of composition in that sort of reasoning. If you cut interest rates for one individual that individual will respond by borrowing more and spending more. But that is not how monetary policy works for an economy as a whole. Because one person's spending is another person's income. So if people spend $100 more per month then people earn $100 more income per month, so they don't need to borrow anything more in order to spend more. And it's even less true in an open economy, if a cut in interest rates causes exchange rate depreciation so foreigners spend more on Canadian goods, so Canadian net borrowing from abroad actually falls, as net exports increase.

Second off, low equilibrium interest rates are a symptom of weak demand for goods and low expected inflation. When people and firms fear continuing recession, desired investment will be low ("who will buy the extra goods we produce?"), and desired saving will be high ("what if I can't get a job?"), for any given real interest rate. So the equilibrium real interest rate will actually be lower when people and firms fear a continuing recession than when they don't. (The IS curve slopes the "wrong" way, in other words. Or the IS curve shifts left if people fear continuing recession because of overly tight monetary policy, if you prefer to think of it that way instead.)"

jueves, 24 de octubre de 2013

Sobre comercio interregional e internacional

Paul Krugman y Ryan Avent

"Interregional trade is not Ricardian. It is instead rooted in increasing returns and the sort of intra-industry trade that was explained by Mr Krugman's new trade theory.

Rapid trade growth over the past generation ("hyperglobalisation") is a different story, however. That trade has been associated with the incorporation in the global market of very large emerging economies that do have profoundly different factor endowments from rich-world economies: most notably in their relative abundance of cheap labour.

 ...

 Return to the example of the iPhone. Design and engineering work and the production of critical components operate in an increasing returns world. Assembly, by contrast, seems to be governed by comparative advantage.

 But that's still a somewhat dissatisfying narrative. The question is: why should assembly be driven by factor abundance while design is not? It's obviously not because emerging markets can't produce sufficiently talented engineers; they do, and quite often those engineers go to Silicon Valley to work.

 Mr Krugman has wrestled with these dynamics as well. Increasing returns can also generate geographic concentration. In the presence of certain positive externalities, productivity spillovers or complementarities or what have you, firms in one geographic area grow more productive as the area itself grows larger: more firms, higher productivity, more firms. So in one sense, increasing-returns-driven trade is what you get when the productivity benefits of local spillovers outweigh the potential gains from taking advantage of factor-price gaps. As the spillover benefits to bits of a supply chain erode (either because falling transport cost enable one to reap such benefits at greater distance, or because technology maturation means there is less of the tinkering and experimentation that seems to work best in clusters) those bits escape the pull of metropolitan gravity and fall toward places where the factors the bits rely on are cheapest."

jueves, 19 de septiembre de 2013

Interest rates and aggregate demand

Nick Rowe

"Say's Law is false in a monetary exchange economy. In a monetary economy that produces only apples and bananas, it is perfectly possible to have an excess supply of both apples and bananas. In a monetary economy that produces only goods this year and goods next year, it is perfectly possible to have an excess supply of both goods this year and goods next year. Because there's an excess demand for money, the medium of exchange. And if that's the problem, a cut in a relative price like (Pa/Pb), or a cut in a relative price like (1+r), is not the cure."

...

But if people do not expect a return to full employment in the near future, and fear a continuing recession, the New Keynesian model might fail. A cut in real interest rates might not cure an excess supply of goods. Interest rates are the wrong thing to look at. Interest rates are a relative price that only affect relative demand, not Aggregate Demand for goods this year and goods next year."

lunes, 9 de septiembre de 2013

'New Reading' of Marx - A critique

Aca

El problema de la distribución en la teoría económica

Artículo en Jacobin

Breaking down the falling labor share of U.S. income

Aca

Is technological progress a thing of the past?

Joel Mokyr

The Economist sobre la crisis financiera

Los origenes de la crisis

Where's the next Lehman?

---------------

Counterparties sobre el aniversario de Lehmann

---------------

Tiende la economía a volver al pleno empleo?

Paul Krugman y Mike Konkzal. Krugman otra vez

Nick Rowe

Krugman otra vez

jueves, 20 de junio de 2013

Credit crunch en China

Tyler Cowen

The Economist. Y otro

Sober Look

The Economist critica a Cowen

FT Alphaville aca, aca y aca. Otro. Uno de febrero

Sober Look

Entrevista a la analista de Fitch

¿Qué es el 'shadow banking system' de China?

The chinese financial system. Introduction and overview

Sobre la reducción de QE3

Ryan Avent

Calculated Risk

Matt O'Brien

FT Alphaville

David Glasner

Stephen Williamson

Tim Duy sobre el disenso de Bullard

James Hamilton: The end of low interest rates

Unwinding the world's biggest economic experiment

Entrevista con James Bullard

Scott Sumner vs Evan Soltas

Ryan Avent: Whose low rates are these?

"But the point of QE, in a broader sense, is that other things will not remain equal. Low interest rates are supposed to discourage saving and encourage borrowing and investing, adding to overall economic demand. That, in turn, should raise expected inflation, should raise the expected path of short-run real rates, and should reduce demand for safe assets. So QE should hold down interest rates relative to a baseline level reflective of broader conditions, which should then rise as a result. Effective QE could then produce a pattern of falling rates giving way to rising rates. Or it could produce a muddle. And the expected end of QE could produce similarly confusing price moves."

Mike Konkzal: Que era más importante de QE3, las compras o el guidance?

The all-powerful Fed

Barry Eichengreen cree que la crisis fue por el 'credit crunch' de China

Minutas de la reunión de la Fed. Comentarios de Tim Duy y FT Alphaville

Traders vs economists

Blogs review: The Bernanke doctrine and the separation between forward guidance and tapering

Keynes sobre ahorro y fondos prestables

Aca

martes, 11 de junio de 2013

Martin Wolf y FT Alphaville sobre el mecanismo de transmisión monetaria

Martin Wolf: The overstated inflation danger:

"Could the 2020s see an inflationary upsurge? Many believe so because there is a direct link – the so-called “money multiplier” – between the reserves of commercial banks held at the central bank and the lending by commercial banks to the public. They assume banks will lend more against these reserves, meaning that the current high level of reserves at the central bank is an indicator of future monetary expansion.

But a solvent bank can obtain the reserves it needs from the central bank. Moreover, the central bank will make sure that such a bank never falls short of reserves, since the alternative could well be a breakdown of the payment system. So what limits banks’ lending? The answer is: its own solvency and that of its customers.

So the equity capital of the bank is, accordingly, a far more important determinant of its ability to create money than its reserves. Moreover, should the central bank wish to lower excess bank reserves, it can either sell government debt to the public or raise their reserve requirements. Thus, the idea that a high level of reserves guarantees a future surge in broad money is false." FT Alphaville: When money multipliers become divisors

Sobre las currency wars

Jeffrey Frankel

Lo que está ssosteniendo los precios de las acciones es el aumento de las ganancias de las empresas en detrimento de las ganancias del trabajo

Gavyn Davies

"La inflación es buena porque reduce los precios"

Ryan Avent y Paul Krugman critican a Draghi

What the great natural experiment reveals about QE

David Beckworth

Confusion: High public debt levels and other sources of risk in today’s macroeconomic environment

Brad DeLong. Comenta Paul Krugman

Scott Sumner pide dejar las finanzas fuera de la macro

Aca. Nick Rowe comenta

Y los bancos también

miércoles, 5 de junio de 2013

Inflación de bienes vs inflación de servicios

Ryan Avent

"More simply, services inflation is about expectations and unemployment, while goods inflation is about global capacity utilisation. That makes sense; to a first approximation services are people. Goods are also people, a little bit. But they are more energy, materials, and supply chains. Goods prices rise faster when one of those three factors bumps up against constraints. Service prices rise faster when there aren't enough people to go around.

...

I like this way of digging into CPI data. But I also think it mostly reinforces the point that what monetary policy is really interested in is the labour-market output gap and its relation to wage growth. The prices for "stuff" don't matter, and we don't care if factories or stores close so long as everyone who wants to work can. The goods-services distinction is useful in that it shows us once again that on that basis the Fed has done far too little."

Las expectativas de inflación están cayendo a pesar de QE

Tim Duy

Mike Konkzal

Ryan Avent dice que la Fed no está intentando realmente

El FT: Inflation stays low and raises concerns for central bankers

Larry Summers sobre austeridad en EEUU

Aca y aca

martes, 4 de junio de 2013

Is technological progrerss accelerating?

Debate en The Economist

Sobre el mecanismo de transmisión monetaria

The Economist, específicamente sobre Europa

Brad DeLong sobre los motores de crecimiento del futuro

Aca

"Social science having to do with the economy is about trying to track the emergent property that arise from the fact that we as a world have decided to organize our extraordinarily productive and diverse 7.3-billion human global division of labour largely through decentralized market exchange, mediated by firms that are islands of hierarchy and bureaucracy swimming in a larger market-oriented albeit government-regulated sea.

It is clear to everyone who tries to do this seriously that figuring out what the emergent properties of this complicated decentralized systems are hinges on the details of the institutions: productive, organizational, and regulatory details matter and matter a lot. There is a very narrow limit to what you can do that is useful by following in the hyper-abstract footprints of David Ricardo. To say anything real, you have to say what’s going on in the industry.

All of you here are the people who understand what the institutional, organizational and regulatory details are, and thus have a chance of accurately determining what the interesting emergent properties are. You are the useful point of the spear. Too many of your colleagues in the social sciences are performing the equivalents of medieval scholastic theology precisely because they lack institutional knowledge of the details. Thus they write about the emergent properties of some other system, but not those of this system that we have here and now."

Do banks create money from thin air?

Aca

lunes, 3 de junio de 2013

miércoles, 8 de mayo de 2013

The german model is not for export

Martin Wolf analiza las medidas de política de la eurozona (impulsadas por Alemania)

Gavyn Davies: The dramatic adjustment in eurozone trade imbalances

Europe's beggar-my-neighbor policy

Michael Pettis: Excess German savings, not thrift, caused the European crisis

"The European crisis, in other words, had almost nothing to do with thrifty Germans and spendthrift Spaniards. It had to do with policies aimed at boosting German employment, the secondary impact of which was to force up German national savings rates excessively. These excess savings had to be absorbed within Europe, and the subsequent imbalances were so large (because German’s savings imbalance was so large) that they led almost inevitably to the circumstances in which we are today.

For this reason the European crisis cannot be resolved except by forcing down the German savings rate. And not only must German savings rates drop, they must drop substantially, enough to give Germany a large current account deficit. This is the only way the rest of Europe can unwind the imbalances forced upon the region in a way that is least damaging to Europe as a whole. Only in this way can countries like Spain stay within the euro while bringing down unemployment.

But lower German savings don’t mean that German families should become less thrifty, only that the average German household should be allowed to retain a much larger share of what Germany produces. If Berlin were to cut consumption taxes, or cut income taxes for the lower and middle classes, or force up wages, total German consumption would rise relative to GDP and so national savings would fall – without requiring any change in the prudent behavior of German households."

martes, 7 de mayo de 2013

What is wrong and right in economics?

Dani Rodrik

"Either you come up with a new technique or piece of evidence to shore up conventional wisdom. Or you challenge the conventional wisdom. The latter is a high risk, high return strategy. It is high risk for all the reasons I have mentioned previously. But it is high return because anything that has turned into conventional wisdom is almost by definition wrong, or at least, overstated. So done right, challenging conventional wisdom is a successful research strategy that is bound to pay off.

 In my own case, every piece of conventional wisdom I challenged had already become a caricature of what sounds economics teaches us."

Hawtrey reviews Cassel

David Glasner sobre el review de Hawtrey al libro de Cassel 'The Crisis in the World Monetary System'

Uncertainty, liquidity hoarding, and financial crises

NY Fed

Keynes' mistakes in the General Theory

Aca

domingo, 5 de mayo de 2013

Taylor and Cochrane on monetary policy targets

Aca

“In the long run we are all dead”: What did Keynes mean by that?

Aca

"In other words, the famous “in the long run we are all dead” statement was about the long run and short run effects as predicted by the quantity theory, not about deficit spending or Keynesian stimulus. In essence, Keynes’s passage boils down to the instability of the demand to hold money.

...

So what we have here is Keynes the quasi-monetarist advocating short-term monetarist solutions to changes in the demand to hold money. To avoid destabilising price level shocks, Keynes argued that the bank rate must be changed. The neoclassical theory held that in the long run markets would adjust and return to full employment equilibrium in response to shocks, and Keynes seems to have agreed, but – like other Marshallian neoclassicals – argued that short term pain from the destabilising forces of deflation during recessions was unnecessary and monetary interventions should be used to stabilise economies."

Matias Vernengo

Paul Krugman, Brad DeLong (y otros)

jueves, 2 de mayo de 2013

The third lever of macroeconomics

The Economist sobre política de crédito

"By credit policy (or banking policy or financial policy) I mean anything that affects how the financial system influences aggregate demand. Of course, we've always known aggregate demand depends on both the central bank’s policy rate and the spread over that rate paid by households and firms. But before the cirisis the relationship between the policy rate and what borrowers paid was assumed to be either constant, or endogenous to monetary policy or the business cycle.

That this is not always true is the greatest lesson macroeconomists have learned from the crisis."

Nominal GDP targeting is left, right?

Jeffrey Frankel

Reconciling the liquidity trap with MMT

Aca

jueves, 18 de abril de 2013

The reason macroeconomics doesn't work very well

Noah Smith

Aggregate demand and modern macroeconomics

JW Mason

Loanable funds and liquidity preference; DeLong vs. Fama

Nick Rowe

"We live in an economy with monetary exchange (not barter). The very concept of "aggregate demand" only makes sense in a monetary economy, because it refers to the monetary demand for goods. To get an increased demand for goods, in terms of money, somewhere along the causal chain you need an excess supply of money. The initial excess demand for loans causes a rise in the rate of interest (loanable funds theory). The rise in the rate of interest causes an excess supply of money (liquidity preference theory). The excess supply of money is either spent, and so creates an increased demand for goods directly; or (more likely), is lent, and so creates an increased supply of loans and investment, and so creates an increased demand for goods indirectly."

martes, 16 de abril de 2013

Fiscal policy as stabilization policy: What do we think now that we did not think in 2007

Brad DeLong y Laura Tyson

The future of the euro: Lessons from history

Brad DeLong

Intervenciones de los participantes

Comentario de Brad DeLong

Reinhart Rogoff resultó falso

Mike Konczal

Mark Thoma

Cullen Roche

Paul Krugman

Tyler Cowen

FT Alphaville

Respuesta de Reinhart y Rogoff. Krugman comenta la respuesta

Randall Wray

Matt O'Brien

Noah Smith

Respuesta más completa de Reinhart y Rogoff

Owen Zidar

Josh Barro

Más reacciones

The Economist


La causalidad sí parece ser la inversa a la sostenida por Reinhart y Rogoff

Otra crítica (vieja) a Reinhart-Rogoff: A World Upside Down?: Deficit Fantasies in the Great Recession

Otro de Krugman

James Kwak

Compilación de Bruegel

Gavyn Davies

Brad DeLong

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

Más de James Kwak

Krugman otra vez. Y otro

James Hamilton. Pollin y Ash contestan. Hamilton otra vez

Ryan Avent

Arvind Subramanian

Ryan Avent y Martin Wolf

Mike Konczal evalúa el debate

Otro de Krugman

James Hamilton: The contributions of Reinhart and Rogoff

Brad DeLong: Risks of debt

Justin Wolfers y Betsey Stevenson

Otros alumnos critican a Reinhart y Rogoff

Ricardo Hausman (y crítica de Matias Vernengo)

Krugman otra vez

Resumen de David Warsh

New Economic Perspectives. Otro

Dean Baker y Larry Summers

Carta de Reinhart y Rogoff a Krugman. James Hamilton comenta. Y Brad DeLong. Y Ryan Avent. Paul Krugman contesta

Miles Kimball y Yichuan Yuang: High debt does not slow growth. Más de Miles Kimball. Otro de Kimball y Yuang